The skinny controller

April 16, 2016 - accent chair


In Oct 2014, a Guardian publisher Seumas Milne arrived in a Russian city of Sochi on a Black Sea coast, circuitously a Georgian border. He was there to attend a annual Valdai ubiquitous contention bar where Russia experts from conflicting a universe – academics, diplomats, reporters – accommodate and infrequently doubt President Vladimir Putin and some of his tip officials and advisers. The thesis of that year’s discussion was “The World Order: New Rules or No Rules?”. Milne, his losses paid by a Russian business people who organize a eventuality and started it a decade earlier, was there to talk about a Middle East, a theme of that he has compendious knowledge, subsequent from a lifetime seductiveness in a region.

To his surprise, Milne was asked, while in Sochi, to chair a meeting’s pivotal session, where Putin was to make a 40-minute plead – after described by a Financial Times as one of his “most critical unfamiliar process statements” – followed by a extensive question-and-answer session. Milne concluded and non-stop a questions by seeking dual of his own. Were Russia’s “actions in Ukraine and Crimea” (which Moscow had recently invaded) “a response to [a] relapse of manners and a arrange of instance of a ‘no-rules’ order”? And would Russia change a position that, following a fall of a Soviet Union, it “can’t lead in a stream tellurian sequence yet it can confirm who leads”?

Innocuous as a questions competence have seemed, plead over Milne’s purpose during Valdai followed quickly, utterly during a Guardian. Like a series of other British and American critics of Putin, heading total on a paper’s unfamiliar table argued that, after a allege of Crimea, it was no longer excusable for Westerners to attend Valdai. These people were legitimising an assertive and peremptory regime that paid small courtesy to tellurian rights. Valdai was directed customarily during lifted a Kremlin line.

On a severe blog Left Foot Forward, Pierre Vaux, a author closely compared with a New York consider tank set adult by anti-Putin exiles, argued that Milne was operative “front-of-house PR duties” with a president. Milne had prolonged been a Kremlin “fellow-traveller”, Vaux said; now he was operative like “a proceed advocate, an representative of influence”. His questions authorised Putin “the space to not customarily transparent Russian actions in Ukraine . . . yet also to grandstand about Russia’s common and well-meaning place in a world”. Vaux forked out that, a few days after his revisit to Sochi, Milne’s weekly Guardian mainstay blamed a predicament in Ukraine on a US and a EU subsidy “the aroused overpower of an inaugurated if hurtful government”.

Vaux influenced a pot by quoting a Guardian’s former Moscow match Luke Harding as observant that to attend Valdai was to spin “a puppet in a Kremlin’s theatre, there to make Putin demeanour good”. The quarrel spilled over into a paper’s offices in King’s Cross, London. Milne and Harding exchanged indignant emails. When Harding – who has published a book about Putin’s Russia called Mafia State as good as accounts of how he was tormented during his four-year spell in Moscow – wrote that a Kremlin was guilty of appropriation far-right groups in Europe, they clashed during one of a paper’s daily editorial conferences. Milne’s mobile phone rang in a center of a exchange. “That contingency be a Kremlin,” joked Harding, which, distant from defusing a tension, took it to new levels. Voices were lifted and a dual organization clashed in a newsroom and even a urinals after a meeting. “We don’t routinely have indignant difference during a Guardian,” a repelled declare told me later.

There a matter competence have rested, with a controversy, discharged by many reporters as a domain fight between writers distrustful of their territory, cramped to little-read online publications and of seductiveness customarily to Russia specialists. But a year after he went to Sochi, Milne was allocated executive of devise and communications for a Lab­our Party’s new leader, Jeremy Corbyn. The inhabitant press took a remarkable seductiveness in his assemblage during a Valdai meeting. “Red handed!” screeched a Mail, display photographs of Putin jolt Milne’s palm and examination sternly as a columnist invited questions. “Corbyn’s pro-Kremlin spin arch reason in Putin’s iron reason during promotion summit.” Milne was bizarrely criticised for not interrogating Putin as Jeremy Paxman would have interrogated a British politician.

Milne had spin another aim in a press dispute on Corbyn and his supporters, mounted mostly, yet not entirely, by worried papers. After some-more than 10 years of essay columns from a resolutely severe viewpoint, many of them about ubiquitous issues, Milne supposing plenty ammunition. He had argued that a murdering of Lee Rigby, “a British infantryman who had taken partial in churned fight operations in Afghanistan . . . wasn’t terrorism in a normal clarity of an unenlightened dispute on civilians”. Two days after a 9/11 attacks, in an essay that captivated a record 6,000 readers’ emails (roughly divided uniformly for and conflicting him), Milne wrote that Americans were “reaping a dragons’ teeth collect they themselves sowed”. After 7/7, he claimed that a London bombings were “driven by worldwide annoy during US-led mastery and function of Muslim countries” and, given that Britain was a organization believer of a US, a customarily warn was that they had been “so prolonged coming”. At an anti-Israel convene in 2014, he pronounced Palestinians in Gaza were not terrorists: “the terrorism is a murdering of civilians by Israel on an industrial scale”. And, according to Milne, Russia underneath Putin “provided some check to uncontrollable US power”.

Many such comments were wrenched out of context by worried papers. For example, Milne wrote of Lee Rigby that “the pointless gorcery of an unarmed male distant from a dispute by divided people who have non-violent domestic alternatives is clearly unjustifiable”. Nearly all he has created about Putin describes him as authoritarian, regressive and unequivocally not “progressive”. Moreover, on a grant of Western policies to apprehension attacks, views identical to Milne’s can be found conflicting a Western domestic spectrum and even among comparison diplomats and troops figures, never mind conflicting all sections of multitude in Africa and Asia.

Most biography columns are dictated to warn and incite readers; predictable, orthodox, tolerably voiced opinions are a range of politicians. Yet critics disagree that Milne’s views are strangely hardline and extreme. Harding isn’t a customarily Guardian co-worker with whom he has clashed. In Oct 2015, Brian Whitaker, a paper’s former Middle East editor, private on his blog a review with Milne in 1990 about a predestine of Farzad Bazoft, a UK-based freelance publisher operative in Iraq for a Observer. Bazoft, who had been creation inquiries about a troops site and holding dirt samples nearby, was arrested and indicted of being an Israeli perspective operative for a West. He was hanged on a orders of Saddam Hussein.

Whitaker was “startled when he [Milne] sought to transparent Bazoft’s arrest” yet not his execution. “He views ubiquitous politics roughly unconditionally by an anti-imperialist lens,” Whitaker wrote. That led him “to a sensitive perspective of those imperative regimes that characterize themselves as anti-imperialist”. Milne, Whitaker pronounced to me recently, “regards a people who wish autocracy in a Middle East as mostly Western stooges” and “never seems to demonstrate any libertarian instincts during all, possibly of the left or a right”. Whitaker’s regard is that Milne’s perspective of Britain’s ancestral purpose in a Middle East is even reduction pointed than Corbyn’s. “Britain’s attribute with odious (but West-friendly) regimes,” Whitaker wrote final year, “and a Cameron government’s apparent integrity to prioritise trade – including arms sales – over tellurian rights are issues that desperately need critical open plead . . . Corbyn has shown a worthy eagerness to lift them.” But can he do that with credit “when his spin alloy has shown so many magnetism for anti-Western regimes that have been no reduction repressive”?

Similar questions are common even among those broadly sensitive to Corbyn. Are Milne’s opinions too consistently and uncompromisingly left-wing? Does “the Thin Controller”, as he is famous during a Guardian, have a amply stretchable mind to convince Corbyn to fine-tune his summary and make a compromises required in front-line politics? Can he assistance a Labour personality seductiveness to a wider audience? Does he even wish to?


Milne is a crafty man. Nobody I spoke to doubted that, yet one source combined that “he has small wisdom”. He is also good read, with several huge filing cabinets during a Guardian, of a arrange outcast from many biography offices decades ago, full of books, reports and pamphlets. His table was lonesome with a towering of paper manifest from a conflicting side of a bureau which, from time to time, would slip solemnly towards his neighbours. “He’s mostly a best-informed chairman in a room on any subject,” pronounced a Guardian colleague. “He knows a lot of story and could substantially travel we by all a primary ministers of Israel given 1948 yet blank a beat. The believe is roughly scholarly.” But a other side of him, pronounced a same colleague, is that “he cherry-picks what he reads in an roughly lesser way; he has a sealed mind and an unpersuadable one”.

Another co-worker during a Guardian told me: “Seumas is one of a many unconditionally domestic people I’ve ever met. He thinks of all politically. He has a devise and it’s political, not journalistic.” A third Guardian publisher pronounced that his created outlay for a paper was never large. When he became a columnist, he frequency wrote some-more than one mainstay a week. “He got a repute for laziness. But we consider that’s unfair. It’s customarily that he was doing other things, domestic things.” A fourth source said: “He sees himself as an romantic who happens to work for a newspaper. He will tell we something and you’ll contend ‘that’s a good story’ yet he won’t write it for a paper since it wouldn’t go down good with a comrades.”

Some reporters saw him as a somewhat sinister, furtive, cold figure, always pacing a corridors while on his mobile phone, talking  roughly daily to his tighten crony George Galloway, whom he addressed as “chief”. One co-worker described him as “a healthy plotter”, never happier than when holding partial in a congress or cabal. Older hands remember his heading purpose in a Gulshan organization in a early 1990s, named after an Indian grill where members met to devise insurgency to what they saw as a rightward, downmarket deposit during a Guardian. When, around the same time, an problematic repository called Casablanca, now defunct, ran a sardonic unknown critique of how a Guardian was abandoning a liberal-left heritage, Milne was widely suspected as a categorical informant, utterly when his crony Tariq Ali confessed to being a author. Others remember his extraordinary alliance to Peter Mandelson, a dual apparently brought together by a adore of plotting and a mutual loathsome of Gordon Brown.

But colleagues also emphasize Milne’s attract and his calm, rather understated manner. “He scarcely always sounds reasonable and sensible,” a co-worker said. “He’s not a coiled open watchful to have a row, like many people on a left.” Some pronounced they suspicion a some-more human, caring side emerged after he took time off work to have a swelling private from a lung and when, in 2013, his sister, Kirsty, a former New Statesman journalist, died during 49 from lung cancer. Many reporters acknowledge with thankfulness his purpose in progressing a Guardian chapel (union branch), that he led for many years, as one of a strongest in a industry, with a residence agreement that still manners out imperative redundancies. “The supervision always knew that, if ­necessary, he could broach a strike,” pronounced one.

Gary Younge, one of Milne’s closest friends on a paper, says: “Having been a Trot during 15, for a brief period, we have some believe of organisation and fan socialists. Those are a people we find uninteresting and boring. Seumas isn’t one of those. If you’re carrying an argument, he will rivet with it, respond to what you’re saying.”

Becky Gardiner, who was also tighten to Milne during a Guardian and is now a techer in broadcasting during Goldsmiths, University of London, said: “Seumas is totally upfront about what he thinks. It’s absurd to credit him of being secretive. When he talks on his mobile, it’s in a unequivocally shrill voice. You know accurately who he’s articulate to and what about.”

She, Younge and several other reporters determine that nonetheless his essay is frequency a gold of fun and frequency contains a personal anecdote, Milne in chairman is 0 like a humourless insubordinate of renouned caricature. “When we have a review with him,” Gardiner said, “you giggle a lot.” His friends are sexually loyal, maybe surprisingly so, given his robe of nearing as many as an hour late for assignations. He has an considerable array of insubordinate contacts conflicting a world, utterly in a Middle East and Latin America; in a past, they enclosed Yasser Arafat and Hugo Chávez. “He’d always be opening into a bureau clutching an essay for publication, observant something like, ‘This is from an glorious Turkish trade unionist,’” pronounced a comparison editor.

Outside politics, he seems to have small credentials (his seductiveness in competition is pronounced to be zero) detached from renouned music. He is awesomely associating about a Beatles and an fan for a Rolling Stones; he also plays a guitar and infrequently a piano. He lives with his Italian wife, Cristina, in an Edwardian residence in a shaggy south-west London suburb of Richmond. Curiously, and not unequivocally ecologically, he customarily gathering to a Guardian’s offices and used a automobile via a day in London when he had a association parking space. Though Richmond’s state schools are unconditionally comprehensive, both of his children, now grown up, went to abbreviation schools in Kingston-upon-Thames, 4 miles away. Friends tell me that Milne – who declined to be interviewed for this essay – refuses to plead a theme yet infrequently points out that a father isn’t a customarily member of a family who creates choices about a children’s credentials and that, in a truly approved home, he can be absolutely outvoted.

If his possess views have ever deviated from left robe on extensive schools – since he frequency writes or speaks about education, we could find no open matter of them – it would be a surprise. It is tough to learn any poignant examples from a past 40 years of Milne changing his opinions, or even interrogating them. Born in 1958, he is a child of a 1970s, a final decade in that vast numbers of people still believed that a circuitously destiny belonged to socialism. “His domestic opinions stopped building in 1975, along with his low-pitched tastes,” was a colleague’s comment.

Milne’s artistry won him a grant and a giveaway place during Winchester, one of England’s many exclusive, intelligent and costly fee-charging boarding schools, and after a grant place during Balliol, reputedly Oxford’s many egghead college, to review philosophy, politics and economics.

As he left school, after holding his A-levels during 15 and his Oxford opening examination during 16 – a common use during Winchester – one-third of a world’s race was vital underneath regimes that claimed to follow socialism in one form or another. In Britain, a Labour supervision had Michael Foot and Tony Benn in comparison cupboard positions; lifted a tip rate on warranted income to 83 per cent and that on investment income to 98 per cent; attempted to control prices and incomes conflicting a economy; nationalised British Leyland and determined a National Enterprise Board. Many immature Britons dignified Mao Zedong and his “permanent revolution” in China. Many secretly prepared immature people from chosen backgrounds embraced insubordinate politics, as Milne did.

Not that his family was “establishment” in utterly a required sense. His father, Alasdair, a writer during a BBC who became executive ubiquitous in 1982, was also a Wykehamist, yet revelled in his Scottish roots, personification a bagpipes and vocalization Gaelic. He was among a pioneers of a reduction thoughtful character during a BBC, and was sacked in 1987 largely since Margaret Thatcher suspicion that a corporation, underneath his command, was too inequitable in foster of a left. His wife, Sheila, Seumas’s mother, had an Irish-Danish credentials and was once an actor.

Though not a Tory, Alasdair Milne was positively not a hardline left-winger. But nobody can remember his son being anything else. At Winchester, he stood as a Maoist in a ridicule election. The Conservative cupboard apportion John Whittingdale, a contemporary of his during school, triumphantly constructed printed justification of this partial when Milne was allocated as an assistance to Corbyn. He spent his opening year with friends in Lebanon, afterwards in a throes of polite war. There, he schooled Arabic, listened shots dismissed in anger, transient from a blown-up building and was quickly prisoner by militiamen. Colleagues during a Guardian boot allegations that he attended a militant training stay as ludicrous. But he returned with a clever joining to a Palestinian cause.

“He spent his whole time during Balliol,” a college contemporary recalls, “wearing a Mao coupler and articulate with a feign ­Palestinian accent. It was like opening art, a arrange of thing Gilbert and George would do. He launched a fibre of motions in a JCR [junior common room] aggressive Israel.” (Guardian colleagues contend he is still in a robe of adopting a accent of whoever he has many recently talked to.)

It was transparent even then, both to Milne and to his associate students, that he would persevere his life to severe politics.

After withdrawal Oxford with a second-class degree, he went to Birkbeck College, University of London, to take an MA in economics, a theme he suspicion essential to politics. He practical unsuccessfully to work for Labour’s Barbara Castle, who was generally deliberate to be on a left of a party, and for a TUC’s economics department.

Milne’s attribute with a Communist Party was close. After university, he did some work for a monthly biography called Straight Left, which, yet many of a residence members were severe Labour MPs and kinship leaders, became compared with a “Stalinist”, pro-Soviet, anti-Eurocommunist coterie that eventually separate from a Communist Party of Great Britain. It was by Straight Left that he met Andrew Murray, who became one of his closest friends. Murray, creatively a Morning Star journalist, became a initial chair of a Stop a War discuss when it was shaped in 2001, and in 2011 was allocated arch of staff for a Unite trade union. Francis Beckett, who has created a book about a Communist Party and worked for several trade unions, described Murray to me as “extremely organisation and sectarian”. He added: “Murray and a Straight Left people were some-more impassioned than many of a Stalinists we knew. The Stalinists were famous as tankies, yet Murray’s lot were super-tankies.”

Milne has always denied ever being a CP member yet Beckett pronounced “all a communists we know consider he was in a party”. Whatever a law – and there is no discernible justification that he was a member – Milne had assimilated Labour by 1979. It was not afterwards unusual, utterly in a kinship movement, for Labour supporters to work closely with Communists, whose fortify and organization they dignified and who common a loathsome of a “ultra-leftists” compared with several groups that went loosely underneath a tag “Trotskyist”. Among those inaugurated to a National Union of Students executive on a “Broad Left” sheet of Labour, Liberals and Communists was Charles Clarke, a destiny Labour cupboard minister.

It was not by severe connectors that Milne cumulative his start in a Fleet Street career. In a text instance of a British investiture during work, a highly-placed source told me Alasdair Milne (Winchester and New College, Oxford) endorsed his son Seumas (Winchester and Balliol) to Andrew Knight (Ampleforth and Balliol), a afterwards editor of a Economist. The immature Milne stayed for 3 years, covering internal government, credentials and a engine industry, yet Knight, yet he recognised Milne’s egghead abilities, thought, rightly, that he was worried with a magazine’s free-market line. Knight went to his aged and unequivocally tighten crony a Guardian columnist Hugo Young (Ampleforth and Balliol) and asked if a Guardian competence be interested. The paper hired Milne in 1984.


Initially a ubiquitous news reporter, Milne became a work match in 1990 and after a paper’s work editor. His clever connectors with kinship and Labour Party activists, what a Guardian co-worker called “his peerless believe of a work movement” and his possess choosing in 1989 as a member of a National Union of Journalists executive legislature seemed to make him a ideal fit for a job. Moreover, he had recently created with dual others – an educational who had been a contemporary during Balliol and a distinguished figure in a Campaign for Labour Party Democracy, a pro-nationalisation vigour organization – a book called Beyond a Casino Economy, that advocated extended “trade kinship orthodox rights” and “a multitude formed on common tenure where a operative category and a allies reason domestic power”. In 1994 he published another book, The Enemy Within, display how a British tip services infiltrated and set out to disprove a National Union of Mineworkers and a personality Arthur Scargill during a 1984-85 miners’ strike. Though widely regarded as too uncritical of Scargill – who gave Milne a co-operation he denied to many mainstream reporters – it was tenderly reviewed, went by 4 editions (the latest of these in 2014) and is regarded by many reporters as an inquisitive classic.

By a mid-1990s, however, a work brief began to demeanour like a passed end. For one thing, Milne, seen as fastidious, detached and somewhat arrogant, did not get on good with some kinship leaders and work correspondents. “He stranded out like a bruise ride among a work correspondents who were a unequivocally conflicting of a open propagandize elite,” private Paul Routledge, who was afterwards a work editor during a Times. “He churned with a name left strand of a kinship movement. He didn’t unequivocally get on, or wish to get on with, a some-more hairy-arsed tendency. If he had met a miners we knew, who have some unequivocally out-of-date ideas about life, he would have run a mile.” With Milne many sought after as a orator during work transformation events, other correspondents joked that they would go to cover a discussion and he would go to pronounce during it.

But there was a second, bigger problem. The trade unions were losing membership and influence; their leaders, utterly Scargill, were being marginalised. After a appearance of New Labour in 1994, it became transparent that, for a foreseeable future, they would have small purpose in mainstream British politics. The work correspondents declined in parallel. A organization that had once been a inhabitant stating elite, second customarily to domestic reporters, dwindled in numbers and importance.

Several, including Routledge, eventually switched to covering politics in a Westminster lobby. It seemed expected that Milne would make a identical pierce during a Guardian. Instead, to a warn of many colleagues, a Guardian editor Alan Rusbridger offering him a pursuit that gave Milne potentially some-more change over a instruction of insubordinate plead and domestic meditative than he had ever enjoyed before.

Milne was criticism editor of a Guardian from 2001 to 2007, supervising unchanging columnists such as Polly Toynbee, Jonathan Freedland and George Monbiot and mouth-watering outsiders to contribute, among them politicians, academics and kinship leaders as good as journalists. These were a years when a Blairite devise – aversion to Milne and his friends – began to uncover and Britain became neatly divided over a Iraq War. Yet, during first, colleagues were tender with a spectrum of views he published, from right and left.

“He was prudent about it,” pronounced Becky Gardiner, who worked as his emissary for 4 years. “Whatever a issue, he pennyless it down into basic parts, looked during all a angles and represented as many of them as probable in a pages.” He was utterly concerned to boost a series of womanlike contributors, and insisted that there should be during slightest one a day. He also, pronounced a colleague, kept a total of pro- and anti-Israel articles “so that he could cover himself”.

Naomi Klein, a author of No Logo, hailed Milne’s feat in branch a Guardian’s criticism territory into “a truly tellurian debating forum”. More surprisingly, a Conservative MEP Daniel Hannan pronounced he had finished it “the many thought-provoking opinion territory in Britain”.

Staff during a Guardian, however, are divided about Milne’s record as criticism editor. As time went on and plead over a Iraq War and Islamist terrorism grew, a series of Muslim radicals appearing in a pages increased. Left-wing friends such as Andrew Murray featured frequently. When a Blairite and pro-war columnist David Aaronovitch, recruited to a G2 territory from a Independent in 2003, asked to pierce to a criticism pages, Milne allegedly vetoed it and frequently referred (perhaps half jokingly, during least) to “the hated Aaronovitch”. Aaronovitch arguable to me that his request, taken to a top Guardian levels, was frequently deserted yet pronounced he had no suspicion either or not Milne was responsible; he shortly left for a Times. “Seumas put a lot of things into a paper that had no consequence as writing,” pronounced a comparison Guardian figure. “Yes, he published worried people yet they were customarily iconoclasts who would contend radical, startling things and incited out to be conflicting a Iraq War. He avoided a process arguments holding place in a categorical parties.” His heterogeneous policies, critics thought, were customarily a proceed of creation a announcement of his far-left allies some-more acceptable.

The biggest quarrel during Milne’s energy as criticism editor came over his announcement of an essay by Osama Bin Laden, edited from one of a many taped statements a al-Qaeda personality put out, in 2004. An strenuous infancy of Guardian reporters suspicion a paper was right to tell a square yet a smaller infancy suspicion it should not have been on a criticism pages. Milne and his supporters insisted that a insights into what gathering al-Qaeda fit a distinguished position – utterly as Bin Laden’s views perceived far-reaching courtesy conflicting a Middle East – and that edition opinions on a criticism pages did not indicate an publicity of them. These arguments were corroborated by a Guardian’s readers’ editor, or ombudsman.

But by 2007 Milne’s critics had won. It was felt, we was told, that he was building up too many writers in his possess cover and that he carried too many articles about Palestine. He was finished associate editor and changed to essay a column, a weekly, rather waste countenance of views that had once represented a poignant strand of mainstream severe opinion in Britain yet had now apparently left out of conform for ever. Then came a call from Corbyn.


Dealing with Labour leaders was not unconditionally new to Milne. He and Ed Miliband had been friends for some years and, after Miliband was inaugurated personality in 2010, Milne was among those consulted about his initial celebration discussion speech. The dual continued to pronounce regularly, yet reduction so as Milne became increasingly unhappy with Miliband’s lukewarm opinion towards fighting on a severe programme.

Corbyn knew Milne from a anti-war transformation and in new years had oral with him during rallies and meetings. The dual had also trafficked together, with other MPs and activists, to Israel and Palestine. They were not, however, intimates. But when he became leader, Corbyn desperately indispensable somebody sensitive to his views and also informed with a mainstream media. Usually, a celebration personality comes to energy with years of preparation, a organization bottom of parliamentary support, far-reaching media believe and a devoted conspirator of advisers. Corbyn had nothing of that: even his astonishingly successful campaign, essentially a amicable media operation, was organized by a organization called Red Labour, spawned by a Facebook page started by a Brighton-based Labour romantic whom Corbyn had never met. An infrastructure of kinship emporium stewards, academics, a “peace movement”, union-financed investigate and subdivision activists that had postulated Labour’s left in a early 1980s – and roughly won a emissary care for Tony Benn – had all yet left over a following decades. The Labour Party staff mostly antiquated from a Blair and Brown eras and their domestic meditative and loyalties echoed that. Corbyn knew roughly nobody in a inhabitant press or broadcasting, even among a writers and reporters on a Daily Mirror and a Guardian.

His initial proceed was to Kevin Maguire, a New Statesman domestic diarist and Mirror associate editor. He incited Corbyn down as he had once incited down a position in Downing Street during Gordon Brown’s premiership. Milne also hesitated. Partly interjection to his capable campaigning, Katharine Viner had recently succeeded Rusbridger as Guardian editor. Viner, it was thought, competence take a Guardian some-more to a left, yet a paper corroborated Yvette Cooper, not Corbyn, in a 2015 Labour care election. Milne could pretty design to play a distinguished and successful purpose in a new regime. Some friends suggested him to spin down a offer, arguing that Corbyn couldn’t last.

But Milne felt an requirement to respond to a Labour care for that he had waited scarcely all his life. Thanks to a proviso in a Guardian’s residence agreement that he had himself negotiated some years progressing (it was dictated to assistance save income during one of a paper’s financial crises), he was means to convince Viner to determine to him holding “unpaid leave of absence” while remaining on a staff. Her preference was widely criticised among Guardian staff. Milne has now spin partial of a Corbyn story; some members of a domestic group feel indifferent from essay about a co-worker and fear that Milne competence criticism about them to Viner.

In his new job, Milne has small proceed hit with run journalists; solely on large issues, they are briefed by Kevin Slocombe, a former trade kinship conduct of communications. Milne’s responsibilities are to rise a devise for media family and to manage concentration groups and private polling. He brings his low believe of a work movement. As a former chair of Hammersmith Labour Party in west London, Milne organized an choosing discuss for a afterwards internal MP, Clive (now Lord) Soley, and attended annual conferences as a delegate. His biggest weakness, as many run reporters see it, is that he is even reduction stretchable in his views than Corbyn.

“His instincts are to be invariable on each issue,” pronounced one. “He is some-more Corbynista than Corbyn. He pulpy for a three-line whip on Syria and a shade cupboard that some-more closely reflected Corbyn’s views. On a day Labour was rising a EU referendum campaign, Corbyn went to pronounce during an anti-Trident rally. A good spin alloy would have suggested him not to go. Seumas indeed went with him.”

Another source, tighten to a leader’s office, criticised Milne for not shutting down steady allegations that Corbyn and other heading total in Labour are too soothing on, and even sensitive to, anti-Semitism. “Milne encourages Jeremy to march his values, observant he’s conflicting influence of all kinds, rather than willingly disapproval anti-Semitism.” The same source said: “Milne puts beliefs above good supervision of a team. That is since there have been so many rows.”

Nevertheless, after an understandably delayed start, there are signs that he has begun to hit a Corbyn operation into some-more veteran shape. As a neat dresser – select and youthful-looking, he deserted Mao jackets for suits some years ago – he understands that radicals should not detract from their summary by sauce sloppily. He has therefore introduced what run reporters call “Project Suit” for Corbyn, so distant removing him into a relating coupler and trousers. He is also perplexing to teach him in a facile domestic ability of observant what he wants to contend during interviews, rather than responding each doubt literally. He wants to labour a Corbyn summary into dual or 3 flagship policies. These are unlikely, we am told, to embody anything on counterclaim or unfamiliar affairs, areas on that Labour is many divided internally. Milne, discordant to some reports, is not privately unequivocally exercised over Trident, yet he recognises that it is tough for Corbyn to dump or even downplay a issue, since it was so executive to his campaign. Nor is Milne, again discordant to reports, during all penetrating on imperative reselection of MPs, with a echoes of a 1980s.


In new weeks, a Corbyn group has spin some-more active in environment a domestic agenda, perfectionist an exploration into a offshore supports owned by David Cameron’s father and a annulment of cuts in collateral gains tax, even if it has been too fervent to call for comparison ministerial resignations whenever there is a duration of problem for a Tories. On economics in particular, it has begun to offer a some-more awake critique of a government’s strategy: some-more confident, in some ways, than what Ed Miliband offered, as one of a former leader’s aides certified to me.

Some of this is attributed to Milne. A few run reporters who remember a ranting, expletive-strewn character of former Labour spin doctors such as Tom Baldwin have begun to comfortable to his calm, indifferent manner. Yet even those who like Milne advise that his believe of a media is too limited. “He doesn’t know a rhythms of news,” one contributor told me. “He doesn’t know what Sunday newspapers wish or what a categorical broadcasting channels want. He doesn’t even rivet with a BBC properly.”

When Milne took adult a pursuit final October, his some-more distrustful colleagues during a Guardian likely he would be behind in a bureau by Christmas. It is maybe some-more picturesque to design him behind before subsequent Christmas. Rumours of a summer manoeuvre by Labour MPs conflicting Corbyn insist and, even if his inheritor is also on a Labour left, he or she is doubtful to keep so argumentative a figure. It is not unfit that sacrificing Milne could be a cost that Corbyn has to compensate to sojourn as leader.

Seumas Milne would substantially not criticism all that much. He has been listened to criticism of lassitude and removing too few days off. He is faraway by a proceed falsehoods and distortions disseminate during Westminster and into a media yet ever being scrupulously denied. He hates a penetration into what he regards as his private life.

As he contemplates a constantly feuding Labour Party, a lapse to his filing cabinets and overburdened table during a Guardian and to a association of reliable, ideologically sound comrades inside and outward a paper contingency demeanour increasingly attractive. But in his possess view, he will have finished his avocation to try to allege a revolutionary cause, as he has done, so mostly unavailingly, for some-more than 4 decades.

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